We are only days away before the Greek government’s proposed legislation aiming to remove all voting restrictions for Greeks abroad is enacted by the Greek parliament, with a significant majority; more than two thirds parliamentary majority, which means that, the new law will be implemented at the next general election in Greece.
The recent electoral win of PM Kyriakos Mitsotakis by a substantial majority, the dwindling and fragmented centre-left in Greece, the urgency with which the legislation has been introduced, as well as the superficial, simplistic and almost a none existent public debate, have ensued a pro government momentum on this issue.
The political alliances that have been shaped within the current parliament in support of the proposed legislation are indeed strange. The alliance of the conservative and neoliberal New Democracy governing party, the religious far right party NIKH/VICTORY, the Spartans (successors of the Golden Dawn), the small apparently left wing party Freedom Sailing/Plefsi Eleftherias and the former governing socialist and social democratic party of Greece PASOK are indeed questionable. Within this debate, the Greek socialist party occupies the same political space with the current conservative government, together with the parties of the far right. In my view, by unconditionally supporting the proposed legislation it will even further enhance the political mistrust that already exists, rightly or wrongly, between the people of Greece and the many Greeks of the diaspora.
Before the proposed legislation to eliminate all voting restrictions for Greek citizens who reside abroad becomes law, allow me, to briefly mention four fundamental issues that need to be raised as prerequisites, even at this very last moment.
I raise these fundamental issues, even though I am of the opinion that the anticipated elimination of the voting restrictions will not lead to a drastic change in the size (and nature) of the electorate; a point echoed by the parties opposing the legislation in its current format, in this instance the left wing parties of KKE and Syriza and the right wing party Greek Solution.
Firstly, there is a no provision in the proposed legislation to have a time limit for Greeks living abroad in regard to their eligibility and entitlement to vote in Greece. Australia for example has the following provision, “If you are overseas and are intending to return to Australia within six years, you can register as an overseas voter.” Australia, in this instance places the right to vote on hold after 6 years of permanent absence. You can however re-register immediately and electronically, with your repatriation.
This is in contrast with the proposed legislation in Greece, that will provide a permanent right to vote for those Greeks abroad if their name is registered on the electoral roll. In fact, the proposed legislation does not take into consideration whether the person has resided in Greece or has maintained as a close relationship with Greece, nor does it take into consideration if that person has not fulfilled for example their military service, like all other Greeks males who live in Greece. In this case I believe that it is neither right, nor fair, that a Greek who resides abroad acquires the permanent right to vote.
Secondly, as most of us are aware, the central Greek state is weak and is usually controlled by the governing party of the day. This is why in the name of impartiality, when elections are conducted in Greece, you have the appointment of caretaker ministers to conduct and oversee the electoral process or a caretaker government, as the case may be, to run the country for a very brief period of time.
The new legislation abandons this procedural practice and empowers the bureaucracy of the Department of Home Affairs to make decisions including the question of eligibility to vote of those Greek citizens who reside outside the Greek borders.
In my opinion, such an important decision making process should be exercised either by a bipartisan structure or by an independent authority.
In Australia for example, the responsibility for voter registration, the conduct of the elections, or changes to the boundaries of the electorates lies with the Australian Electoral Commission and not a Government Department.
Thirdly, this express “debate” before the adoption of the legislation in the Greek parliament, should be combined with a request to the current government, to facilitate the electoral process for all Greek citizens living in Greece. Democracy, politics and elections are legitimized and protected when they are part of the lived experience of the vast majority of the electorate. That is, when there is a large participation, like in Australia. They are in danger when you do not have provisions in order to facilitate the electoral participation of seasonal, part-time, temporary and casual working citizens.
It is worth remembering here another useful Australian practice, that can be adopted in Greece too. In the May 2022 federal election, almost half of us voted 10-15 days before the official election day, at 500+ pre polling stations, located throughout the country. We even had provisions for the existence of mobile pre-polling stations, for the more remote areas of the continent! This electoral practice ensures high participation, and this leads to the legitimisation of the electoral process.
Worth highlighting here is the following fact. The percentage of those who voted early at the pre polling stations, almost fifty per cent of the Australian electorate, reflects, up to a very significant degree, the percentage of working voters who now have seasonal, part-time, temporary and/or casual work!
Finally, the proposed legislation should allow for debate on the issue of the political and electoral rights of all the permanent and legal migrants who have been residing in Greece for many years. This has not occurred. We must accept that the interests and the aspirations of so called “foreign” non-EU migrants, permanently and legally residing in Greece, are aligned with the interests of the wider Greek society and of the entire country. In fact, the interests, aspirations and contributions of these “foreign” migrants and their children, who live and work in Greece are equally important, if not more important on many occasions, than the contributions of Greek citizens permanently residing abroad. The granting of political and electoral rights to these people needs to be discussed now. The opportunity presented by the voting rights of the Greek diasporas bill must not be wasted, at least by those political parties in Greece that identify as being progressive.